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- <text id=93TT0163>
- <title>
- Aug. 09, 1993: The Political Interest
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1993
- Aug. 09, 1993 Lost Secrets Of The Maya
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- The Political Interest, Page 25
- He's No George Bush
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p>By Michael Kramer
- </p>
- <p> After months of fretting that Bill Clinton isn't a New Democrat
- after all, that he's an unreconstructed liberal masquerading
- as a centrist, many pundits have changed their mind. Clinton,
- they now argue, is little different from George Bush. Recalling
- a litany of unfulfilled campaign pledges and a budget heavy
- on deficit reduction, the New York Times complains that Clinton
- "promised voters more than a rehash." That's right, and only
- the President's fabulists would deny that the rhetoric of 1992
- rings a bit hollow in 1993. But overall, the rap is bum. America
- isn't close to beginning "a great national journey" (as Clinton
- grandly advertised his proposed departures last February), but
- the budgetary road about to be taken is nothing like any Bush
- would have traveled.
- </p>
- <p> For openers, Clinton deserves considerable praise for having
- pushed so vigorously for an honest whack at the nation's deficit.
- The infamous 1990 budget agreement, to which the current plan
- is so often falsely compared, was dishonest in almost every
- key respect, primarily because its assumptions were bogus. With
- Bush's agreement, Congress blithely adopted a set of pie-chart-in-the-sky
- economic projections almost double the average predicted by
- private forecasters. When the revenues did not match expectations--and health-care expenses soared--the deficit exploded.
- Clinton, by contrast, has embraced decidedly conservative growth
- estimates (lower, in fact, than most private economists foresee)
- and has forthrightly admitted that the entire enterprise will
- fail if health reform isn't implemented.
- </p>
- <p> If the emphasis on debt taming is neo-Republican--an accommodation
- to Ross Perot and the financial establishment's doomsayers--the methodology of Clinton's deficit reduction is very much
- his own. Tax "fairness" (to use the President's word) is real.
- Nearly 80% of the increases fall on the top 1.2% of taxpayers,
- a refutation of supply-side theory. The 4.3 cents-per-gal. hike
- in gasoline taxes can be criticized as a broken promise since
- it hits the middle class hardest, but given that the typical
- driver will pay only about $33 more a year, the burden is hardly
- staggering. The tax-rate increase on Social Security benefits
- for the wealthiest recipients (from 50% to 85%) is not onerous;
- in fact, it should be welcomed as a long-overdue step toward
- means-testing entitlement programs, which drive up the deficit
- more than anything else.
- </p>
- <p> Only some of Clinton's social programs will survive Congress
- (and most at levels far below the President's initial proposals),
- but the earned income tax credit will rise dramatically, a significant
- promise conspicuously kept. The EITC supplements the pay of
- those whose earnings fall below the poverty line, a full 18%
- of the work force, but it has never closed the gap completely.
- Clinton pledged to do just that ("If you work 40 hours a week
- you [should] no longer be in poverty"). By delivering, says
- Senator Bill Bradley, the President has fashioned "the most
- important antipoverty program in 20 years." The five-year, approximately
- $21 billion EITC increase shows that Clinton is willing to back
- rhetoric with money and not simply deliver homilies about a
- "thousand points of light."
- </p>
- <p> If Congress approves the deal its leaders are crafting, the
- President will take what one of his aides calls "a victory lap
- around the country to make sure he gets some credit." All but
- the most cynical (and those with a personal agenda) should applaud--and Clinton will deserve it.
- </p>
-
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
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